Many of the women lobbying for this were the ones writing and negotiating the text. While some critics considered UNSCR 1325 an act of appeasement, Tryggestad argues that they don't understand that women were the true force behind the resolution. They continued to push and to lobby and didn't let the Security Council rest.
This was the first time in the history of the Security Council that women's issues and rights were recognized as important factors in peacebuilding
as such – usually women were seen as people to be protected. There had not been a lot of recognition of women as actors other than as victims.
There were eighteen action points, which included the recognition of women's roles and contributions as actors and not just victims, a call for women's representation in conflict prevention, resolution and peacebuilding, the application of gender perspectives on UN peacekeeping operations, support for local women's peace initiatives, an increase in the number of women in high-level positions, the protection of women from gender-based violence and more.
"But where are we," Tryggestad asks, "in terms of implementation?"
First, there's a politically-recognized agenda, with seven follow-up resolution (four of which address sexual violence. There is now (at least on paper) a zero tolerance policy for sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers, and 2010 saw the appointment of a special representative for the Security General on sexual violence in armed conflict.
Of course there were also the action plans, policy directives and guidances. Gender units were established, as well as gender advisors and/or gender focal points in most peace operations established after 2000. In 2011 UN Women was formed, headed by an under-secretary general.
In terms of academics, there were three reports in 2015 looking into peace operations and architecture, all emphasizing the importance of including women. There was also the Global Study of Women, Peace and Security, as well as initiatives within arms like UN Peace Operations and UN Peacebuilding Architecture.
The then-new UN Secretary General had made women's equality and inclusion a priority in international peace and security and has a senior gender adviser in his office. The head of UN Women is a member of his executive cabinet.
There's a group of member states that formed the Friends of 1325 and they and others support a growing number of national action plans. Regional associations have also made steps, like the African Union, NATO and more. There are also civil society and transnational advocacy groups in the movement, with the formation of the NGO Working Group on WPS with 14 women's and human rights organizations.
But there are still gaps.
Approximately under 10% of people in uniform on the ground are women. If we look at women's presence in peace negotiations, 4% of general signatories are women, 2.4% of chief mediators arere women, 3.7% of witnesses arere women and 9% of negotiators are women.
When talking about terms like 'gender perspective' in peacebuilding initiatives, this usually is meant to imply women's participation and inclusion in negotiations, the inclusion of provisions that address women's particular needs and interests, assessments of the implications on women and men in any peace agreement provision and more.
Only 18% of peace agreements reference women, with 11% before 1325 and 27% after. Very few peace agreements apply gender perspective throughout, which is one of the reasons why the process in Colombia
is so highly praised. Peace agreements are improving over time in terms of substance but the most holistic agreements tend to be highly internationalized and hard to implement. And thus often fail to be implemented.
The question of what contributions do women make to peace processes is also asked, with the response being that while substantial contributions are made at the grassroots levels, not a lot of research is done on that yet. There's a lot of anecdotal evidence, but more research is in the pipeline.
Many women's organizations seem to be more successful in banding across ethnic and religious lines (such as the case in the Liberian peace process
we discussed earlier this month). Women activists tend to be more vocal and organizational, as well as focus on different areas. From many best guesses, men are seen to focus on infrastructure, roads, and so on while women focus more on schools, health care and reconciliation.
Researcher Thania Paffenholtz has some ongoing projects, not peer-reviewed papers yet, but nonetheless her work is influential. She places an emphasis on quality participation (instead of having a token woman in a peace process), and quality participation seems to correlate to both positive negotiation outcomes and positive implementation outcomes.
The main thing, Paffenholtz says, is that it's not just about the number of women involved. It's about the influence they have.
She lists seven modalities for inclusion: